William, on said: Ashe is intrinsically related to the essential nature of creativity called iwa, perceptible to those who have “walked with the ancestors” and thus acquired critical and discerning eyes. Important to iwa are oju-inu, an “inner eye” or the artist’s insight, and oju-ona, the external harmony of artworks. For the Yoruba, the beauty of objects, performances, or texts lies not only in what catches the eye but also in the ashe derived from the work’s completeness.
From these elements one can then discern the artwork’s iwa, or essential nature, and finally its ewa, or beauty. Another critical concept of Yoruba aesthetics is ara, the “evocative power” of visual, verbal, musical, and performance arts associated with the ability to amaze (Roberts and Roberts, p. Ara bespeaks creativity through departure from norms. Yoruba artists are explorers, and their works reflect new understandings.
As the Yoruba philosopher Olabiyi Yai states, art is always “unfinished and generative” (p. Yoruba visual and verbal arts are also linked through ori, individuality, and iyato, difference and originality, and Yai argues for a definition of art that is “an invitation to infinite difference and departure, and not a summation for sameness and imitation” (p.
The tradition-creativity binary posed for so many cultures is thereby dissolved, and “innovation is implied in the Yoruba idea of tradition” (p. Cross-Cultural Thematics Through ashe, Yoruba arts are highly efficacious—that is, objects work and transform peoples’ lives. For many African cultures, how an object looks is related to the way it works, according to strict aesthetic specifications, for protection, healing, communication, mediation, or empowerment. Like aesthetics more generally, each culture has its own concepts of efficacy. For Bantu-speaking peoples of central, eastern, and southern Africa, a power called nkisi is manifest in sculpture and other expression, while for Mande-speaking peoples of western Africa, secret and instrumental knowledge is called nyama. For African Muslim mystics, baraka is a blessing energy emanating from saintly tombs, written and spoken verses, and visual forms. All these terms imply a power-knowledge relationship inhering in works of art, enabling their effectiveness and capacity.
As is true for many other African philosophies, Yoruba aesthetics also privilege knowledge that is allusive, indirect, and enigmatic. Patterns in textiles and scarification; designs on ceramics, houses, and sculpture; graphic inscriptions on walls, masks, and the body; and verbal arts such as proverbs, epics, and songs communicate messages of cultural significance. These can be highly esoteric and understood only by the initiated. For example, geometric patterns on Bamana bogolanfini textiles from Mali encode women’s herbal medicinal recipes. In other cases, patterns connote resistance, as did the surreptitious painting of African National Congress colors on homes by southern African women during apartheid. Another characteristic of many African aesthetic systems is that objects, narratives, songs, and performances are interpreted by audiences in many different ways through intentional semantic variability.
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African artworks are semantically loaded texts abounding in exegetic richness. For example, among Luba peoples of the southeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, thrones and staffs embody beauty and royal authority but are also mnemonic devices stimulating the making of history. Polysemy is also the product of a processual and accumulative aesthetic.
The process of making art is often more valuable than the final products, and such dynamism is the essence of aesthetic experience. Once created, objects may have ephemeral usage before being destroyed or progressing to the next phases in layered histories.
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Aesthetics on the Move Recent study of African aesthetics includes two critically important thrusts: popular urban arts and diasporic art forms of the black Atlantic, and an Indian Ocean world linking eastern Africa with South Asia. Again, aesthetic principles of urban arts are contingent upon local use and intent. For instance, urban paintings by the late Congolese artist Tshibumba Kanda Matulu reflect an aesthetic inspired by European comic books while addressing issues of critical historical and political importance.
Ghanaian urban arts reflect a vibrant immediacy stemming from subjects of daily life—from soccer to hairstyles to music and film—whereas arts of urban Senegal conform to the aesthetics of a very particular mystical Islam realized through mass-produced images and inspired by photography. As Karin Barber notes, African popular arts fall between the cracks of “traditional” and “elite” or “modern” art. The hybridized forms of Africa’s dynamic popular urban arts reflect not only constant absorption of ideas from the outside but also long-standing adaptive processes through which Africans have always been innovative players in world forums. Similar dynamism can be witnessed in Africa’s diasporic traditions.
Much research, in particular that of Robert Farris Thompson, has shown that some of the most powerful aesthetic carryovers from west Africa to the black Atlantic are based on deeply embedded linguistic concepts such as an “aesthetic of the cool.” Thompson illuminates the origins of slang, gestures, and attitudes by demonstrating how certain aesthetic categories in the African Americas merge moral philosophy, right living, and artistic quality. One cannot discuss African aesthetics without addressing the effects of colonialism and postcolonialism and modernist and postmodernist expressive trends of the last century. Encounters and entanglements fostered by the colonial experience in Africa have produced complex issues of appropriation and commodification: compelling research reveals close association between aesthetic norms and capitalist incentives (Phillips and Steiner). This has been noticeable since the colonial conquests of the nineteenth century but earlier as well in Portuguese influence upon the late-fifteenth-century kingdoms of Benin in Nigeria and Kongo in Angola and the impact of Christianity in Ethiopia from the fourth century c.e. African styles were adapted to meet changing economic and political circumstances, with a most compelling case among the Mangbetu people of the northeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zaire, whose aesthetics shifted to a European “naturalism” to meet foreign expectations. Similar dynamics are found on a global scale in the early twenty-first century. Those who study contemporary African arts define modernisms both discrepant from and overlapping with European models.
In the early twentieth century, expatriate teachers opened fine arts schools in a number of African cities, introducing new techniques and aesthetics. Often these synthesized existing frameworks produced hybrid forms, as in the workshop of Ulli Beier in Nigeria. It is safe to say, though, that the most exciting time to study African aesthetics may be the present, for artistic landscapes are extending in many new ways. Scholar-curators such as Okwui Enwezor, artistic director of Documenta 11 in 2002 and the Second Johannesburg Biennale in 1997, and Salah Hassan, editor of Nka: Journal of Contemporary African Art, are transcending the boundaries of aesthetic discourse by introducing riveting work of emerging artists. Africa is a continent of richness, resilience, and diasporic energies because of how its traditions adapt to new circumstances. Whether in the domains of the most traditional rural art forms, such as masquerade or shrines, or in tourist arts, colonial encounters, early workshops, and art movements, African arts defy easy categorization; they simply do not sit still, nor have they ever. Across their huge diversities, African aesthetics can only be appreciated for their very multiplicity and systems of representation that they uphold, accommodate, and transform.
See also Arts: Africa; Literature: African Literature.
$6.19 Buy It Now 29d 3h, FREE Shipping, 60-Day Returns Seller: (16,029) 99.4%, Location: McMinnville, Tennessee, Ships to: Worldwide, Item: 68 Classic Archives Listing The Two Babylons by Alexander Hislop Format: Book Format: Topic: Pages (approx): Producer: Target Audience: Rating: Language: CD-ROM for use only in a computer, not in a CD player for your stereo PDF files (requires latest version of Adobe Reader, available for free online) Catholicism 800 pages (3 versions included, scanned books and digitized) © The Classic Archives, All Rights Reserved. Students, Bible Study Groups, everyone interested in Bible Study G (everyone) English Are you interested in the history of the Catholic Church and want to learn more about its practices and beliefs, and where they came from? Understand about the origin of: The Mother and Child The Mass The Wafer (Eucharist) Purgatory The Sovereign Pontiff Prayers for the Dead The Rosary The Sign of the Cross The Confessional Clothing and Crowning of Images Priests, Monks, and Nuns Relic Worship Worship of the Sacred Heart Extreme Unction This CD contains The Two Babylons, by Alexander Hislop. The Two Babylons, subtitled The Papal Worship Proved to Be the Worship of Nimrod and His Wife is a religious pamphlet published in 1853 by the Presbyterian Free Church of Scotland theologian Alexander Hislop (1807–65). Its central theme is its allegation that the Catholic Church is a veiled continuation of the pagan religion of Babylon, the product of a millennia-old secret conspiracy founded by the Biblical king Nimrod and the Assyrian queen Semiramis, whom Hislop claimed was Nimrod's wife. It claims that modern holidays, including Christmas and Easter, were actually festivals established by Semiramis and that all of the customs associated with them are secretly pagan rituals. All of the book's major claims have been thoroughly refuted by modern scholars, but variations of them continue to remain popular among some groups of evangelical Protestants.
The pamphlet's claims, though disproven, continue to be promoted in Chick tracts and on the internet, and its central ideas have influenced Jehovah's Witnesses, racist groups such as The Covenant, The Sword, and the Arm of the Lord, and the conspiracy theories of David Icke. Hislop builds on the Panbabylonian school of Hyperdiffusionism, which was common in the 19th century, to argue that Classical and Ancient Near Eastern civilization took all its inspiration from Babylon. From this, he derives the argument that the mystery religions of Late Antiquity were actually offshoots of one ancient religion founded at the Tower of Babel. Panbabylonism has since been relegated to pseudohistory by 20th-century scholars. Much of Hislop's work centers on his association of the legendary Ninus and his semi-historical wife Semiramis with the Biblical Nimrod. Hellenistic histories of the Ancient Near East tended to conflate their faint recollections of the deeds of ancient kings into legendary figures who exerted far more power than any ancient king ever did.
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In Assyria, they invented an eponymous founder of Nineveh named Ninus, who supposedly ruled 52 years over an empire comparable to the Persian Empire at its greatest extent. Ninus's wife Semiramis was in turn a corruption of the historical figure Shammuramat, regent of the Neo-Assyrian Empire from 811 BC. Hislop takes Ninus as a historical figure, and associates him with the Biblical figure Nimrod, though he was not the first to do so. The Clementine literature made the association in the 4th Century AD. An influential belief throughout the Middle Ages was that Ninus was the inventor of Idolatry, a concept that Hislop clearly drew upon.
However, Hislop wrote before the historical records of the ancient near east had been thoroughly decoded and studied, and it became apparent in the decades after he wrote that there never was any such figure as Ninus, and that the Greek authors whom he quotes were without credibility on the subject. Relief of the Babylonian goddess Ishtar, whose name Hislop falsely claimed to be the root behind the English word Easter The Two Babylons heavily relies on Austen Henry Layard's publications of his excavations at Nineveh, which had only been just discovered in 1851. This gave his work an appearance of being well-researched at the time of its publication. For example, Hislop linked the name of Easter with Astarte, the Phoenician fertility goddess by citing Layard's recent discovery of Astarte's Assyrian name, Ishtar, which Hislop took to be 'identical' to Easter. What means the term Easter itself?
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It is not a Christian name. It bears its Chaldean origin on its very forehead. Easter is nothing else than Astarte, one of the titles of Beltis, the queen of heaven, whose name, as pronounced by the people Nineveh, was evidently identical with that now in common use in this country.
That name, as found by Layard on the Assyrian monuments, is Ishtar. — Hislop, The Two Babylons, Chapter 3, Section 2, Easter The claim that Easter is derived from Ishtar is now regarded as incorrect. Modern etymologists derive the word Easter from the Proto-Indo-European root.aus-, meaning 'dawn,' potentially by way of.h₂ewsṓs. Ishtar is a Semitic name of uncertain etymology, possibly taken from the same root as Assyria, or from a semitic word meaning 'to irrigate.' Hislop ultimately traces Catholic doctrines back to the worship of Nimrod, claiming that the Roman Catholic Church is the Whore of Babylon of the Book of Revelation and that 'the Pope himself is truly and properly the lineal representative of Belshazzar'.
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